Thursday, September 27, 2012

向受害者道歉是检验国家文明的标准zt


标签:

杂谈

分类: 历史思辨
日本侵华以来,中国政府和人民多次要求日本政府必须反省和道歉,但日本政府却认为几届政府多次道歉了,是中国视而不见。有网友还罗列了日本道歉的一系列资料:
40年前,也是9月, 时任日本首相的田中角荣应周恩来之邀访问北京。他在宴会致辞时用日语“迷惑”一词表示对过去战争的反省。日语“迷惑”中文可以译为“添了麻烦”,也可以用 于“百感交集地道歉”。当时的中国领导人毛泽东、周恩来,搁置了包括钓鱼岛问题在内的若干争议,最终与田中就中日恢复正常邦交达成妥协。19729月底,周恩来与田中签署的“中日联合宣言”使用的说法是“日本方面痛感日本国过去由于战争给中国人民造成的重大损害的责任,表示深刻的反省。”
1995815,日本无条件投降50周年(日本称“终战纪念日”),时任日本首相村山富市发表讲话:“(日本)在不久的过去一段时期,国策有错误,走了战争的道路,使国民陷入存亡的危机,殖民统治和侵略给许多国家,特别是亚洲各国人民带来了巨大的损害和痛苦。为了避免未来有错误,我就谦虚地对待毫无疑问的这一历史事实,谨此再次表示深刻的反省和由衷的歉意。”
199811月,时任中国国家主席江泽民访日。期间中日于19981126日发表“中日联合宣言”:“日方表示,遵守1972年的‘中日联合声明’和1995815日内阁总理大臣的谈话(即‘村山谈话’),痛感由于过去对中国的侵略给中国人民带来巨大灾难和损害的责任,对此表示深刻反省。”
2001108,时任日本首相小泉纯一郎访华。在参观京郊中国人民抗日战争纪念馆之际,他说:“今天我有机会参观了这个纪念馆,再一次痛感到战争之悲惨。我对遭受侵略而牺牲的中国人民感到由衷的歉意和哀悼。”
2005815,首相小泉纯一郎。“我国由于殖民统治和侵略给许多国家、特别是给亚洲各国人民带来了巨大的损害和痛苦。我谦虚地对待这一历史事实,谨此再次表示深刻的反省和由衷的歉意。同时谨向在那场大战中遇难的所有国内外人士表示沉痛的哀悼。”
但是,由于多次道歉讲话和谈话中并未形成两国间的书面文件,并且日本首相偶尔还会参拜供奉有14名二战甲级战犯的靖国神社,这在中国人看来,是不可原谅的伤害。所以,即使日本道歉了,诚意上的不足也未能得到中国人民的宽恕。
一句道歉,有的人等到了,有的人等不到。近年来,多个在战争和殖民中迫害和遭受迫害的国家陆陆续续选择面对这段历史,向历史求和解。

美国国会就《排华法案》郑重道歉
所谓的《排华法案》要从19世纪中后期说起。当时,美国因为修筑第一条横贯北美的太平洋铁路而对劳工产生大量需求,加上同时期的淘金热,使大批中国人不惜100多天的艰辛海路,冒着生命危险来到美国讨生活。吃苦耐劳的华工承担起美国人不愿从事的修路开矿等艰苦工作,在美国早期的建设和发展中起到了重要作用,但内战带来的经济衰退和金矿的逐渐稀缺很快让他们成了替罪羊。
在反华情绪持续高涨之际,1882年,加州共和党参议员米勒向参议院提议中止华工赴美。参院以2915票决通过排华法案;众院再以167票对66(55票弃权)通过。188256日,切斯特·阿瑟总统签署了这项玷辱美国历史的法案。这项法案的内容主要有十点,最重要的即是华工十年内不准赴美,中国人变成美国白人排斥外人的唯一对象。到了1892年,排华法案再延十年;及至1904年变成无限期。
排华法案直至二战期间始被国会废除。日本于1941127日偷袭珍珠港,美国人同仇敌忾,转而开始同情中国。美国媒体对中国抗战和唐人街的正面报道,以及蒋夫人宋美龄于1943年访美所受到的盛大欢迎,带动了一批亲华众议员在国会倡议废除排华法案的热潮。1943218,宋美龄在国会发表历史性的演说后,众院移民委员会立即进行废止排华法案听证会,小罗斯福表示支持。众院和参院相继通过废除排华法案,小罗斯福于19431217签署生效。历时61年、臭名昭彰的排华法案,正式走入历史。
2012618,美国众议院全票表决通过了对1882年《排华法案》道歉案。去年,10月,美国参议院同样以全票通过这项法案,为19世纪末、20世纪初的排华法案等歧视华人法律表达歉意,这一法案通过为美国华埠了结了百年耻辱,带来了迟到的公正。参与推动的议员表示,尽管道歉并不能补偿过去这些歧视性法律为华人带来的伤害,但承认过去犯下的错误仍然非常重要。
俄罗斯总统就“卡廷大屠杀”惨案道歉
19404月至5月,苏联红军将约22000名波兰人在苏联卡廷森林集体屠杀,其中包括8000名战俘,6000名警察,其余是政府公务员、地主、企业主、牧师等具有一定社会身份的人,斯大林亲自在屠杀文件上签字。正如普京所说,“卡廷大屠杀”是为1920年在波兰战俘营丧生的32000名苏联红军报仇。
半个世纪来,苏联方面一直声称“卡廷大屠杀”是二战期间纳粹占领军所为。1990年,戈尔巴乔夫执政时期,他首次公开承认这次大屠杀是苏联内务委员会秘密警察(克格勃前身)所为。
201047,时任俄罗斯总理的普京陪同到访的波兰总理唐纳德·图斯克,来到斯科西南360公里的卡廷森林,参加“卡廷大屠杀”70周年纪念活动。献花圈后,普京双手捧着深蓝色的玻璃缸,一支点燃的白色蜡烛在里面无声地燃烧着。普京低头缓缓走向花圈,右膝跪地,把玻璃缸轻轻摆放在花圈前。
普京的这一跪,被媒体称为“良好祝愿与和解的空前行动”,是普京“代表俄罗斯人民对‘卡廷大屠杀’做出的比较真诚的反省”。
这次普京没有口头道歉,其实也情有可原,因为俄罗斯杜马没有就“卡廷大屠杀”道歉通过议案,政府领导人在没有得到议会授权的情况下,不能随便代表国家对某次事件道歉。可见,普京在“卡廷大屠杀”70周年纪念活动上的表现也算得体。
对波兰方面来说,普京下跪这种肢体语言既表达了对屠杀遇难者的哀悼,也表达了内心的忏悔和歉意,也算是一种形式的道歉,得到了波兰人民的谅解。
加拿大政府向“印第安寄宿学校”中受害者道歉
加拿大“印第安寄宿学校”制度建立于19世纪70年代,开始主要由教会进行管理。后来,政府也积极参与其中。建立“印第安寄宿学校”的初衷是“让土著居民融入主流社会”,但采取了极端的做法,强迫土著儿童离开家庭住进“印第安寄宿学校”,割断他们与家庭和社区传统文化的联系,使他们的文化被主流文化同化。
当时,加拿大全境共有132所“印第安寄宿学校”,最后一所坐落在萨斯喀彻温,直到1996年才被关闭。一百多年里,“印第安寄宿学校”将15万土著儿童与他们的家庭和社区分离,其中一些学生在学校遭到性侵犯、身体和精神伤害,有的死于学校,也有一些学生彻底失去了与自己家庭的联系。
1996年,加拿大政府通过了《土著居民问题皇家委员会决议报告》,要求对“印第安寄宿学校”的暴力侵犯人权的行为展开调查。大量的采访和历史资料证明,“印第安寄宿学校”存在文化上的和身体上的侵犯。后来,200名“印第安寄宿学校”幸存者联名起诉加拿大政府要求赔偿,加拿大政府于1998年开始着手处理对土著居民的赔偿问题。
199817,印第安与北部事务部部长简·斯图尔特与一名议员共同发表了《增强力量:加拿大土著行动计划》声明,旨在确认加拿大政府建立“印第安寄宿学校”承担何种责任,并建立一个3.5亿加元的“土著居民赔偿基金”,用于对土著居民受害者的赔偿。
200658,加拿大议会通过了《印第安寄宿学校赔偿协议》,决定对受害者及其家庭给予赔偿。根据赔偿协议,建立了预算为6000万加元的基金,用于恢复土著居民的教育。与此同时,政府还拨款19亿加元,对大约8万名印第安寄宿学校的幸存者给予赔偿。
2008611, 加拿大总理史蒂芬·哈珀代表加拿大政府向“印第安寄宿学校”中受害的土著学生及其亲属道歉。他说,“这是加拿大历史上“悲痛的一章。很久以来,政府没有对 此道歉,这是愈合伤痛、达成和解的障碍。为此,我代表加拿大政府和所有加拿大人民,在这个象征我们国家团结统一的会议厅里,我站在你们面前,就加拿大政府 在‘印第安寄宿学校’制度中的所作所为向土著居民道歉。请求加拿大土著居民对我们给他们带来如此沉重的伤痛给予宽恕。”
澳大利亚议会向土著居民道歉
澳大利亚在19世纪实行“同化”和“保护”政策,强行把土著儿童带离家庭,到非土著居民家庭或孤儿院等社会机构接受教育,以“融入主流文化”为名,割断他们与家庭和土著社区的联系。这种强制性同化政策在1950-1960年间达到高潮。
1997年,人权和机会平等委员会公布了一份题为《把他们带回家》的报告,详细列明了1910-1970年间强迫土著儿童迁移的事实,当时有10万土著儿童被强行带离家庭。该报告引发社会极大反响,称那些土著儿童是“被偷走的人”。该报告还建议澳大利亚政府设立一个“道歉日”,每年向土著居民道歉,对政府过去错误决策进行反省。
2008213,澳大利亚总理陆克文在澳大利亚议会正式对土著居民道歉。陆克文的道歉受到广泛赞誉,被称作是真诚的道歉,是走向和解的最重要的一步。陆克文在4分钟的道歉中说:
 “现 在,我们翻开澳大利亚历史上崭新的一页,我们只有承认错误,才能取得进步,才能对未来充满信心。以往各届议会和政府颁布的一些法律和政策,给我们澳大利亚 同胞带来了沉重的痛苦、磨难和损失,我们对此道歉。尤其是强行把土著儿童和托雷斯海峡岛儿童从他们的家庭、社区和家乡带走,我们对此道歉。对‘被偷走的 人’以及他们的后代和家庭所遭受的痛苦、磨难和伤害,我们说声对不起。对那些被断绝与家庭和社区联系的父母们、兄弟姐妹们,我们说声对不起。对给伟大的民 族带来的凌辱和给灿烂的文化带来的退化,我们说声对不起。澳大利亚议会恭敬地请求你们从内心接受这个道歉,这是愈合我们国家伤痛的重要的一步。”
现在,每年526日是澳大利亚的“全国道歉日”。这天,土著居民旗帜到处飘扬。在“全国道歉日”,澳大利亚政府和民间举行各种活动,为过去对土著居民的错误政策道歉,努力实现各民族的和解。
德国政府向赫雷罗族人和二战受害者道歉
19世纪80年代,德国殖民者占领了纳米比亚。他们残暴地奴役压榨当地的赫雷罗族人,肆意掠夺他们的土地和牲畜,并驱使他们筑路开矿、服各种苦役。对此,赫雷罗族人忍无可忍,1904112,他们在马哈雷鲁的领导下发动了起义。
当时的德国皇帝威廉二世惊恐万分,急忙调来大军进行血腥镇压。德军指挥官特鲁塔在“灭绝令”中写到:“一旦发现赫雷罗族人,不管他有没有携带武器,都将被 射杀。”不仅如此,阴险狡诈的特鲁塔还带领军队从三面追击,把赫雷罗族人像赶动物一样赶进了卡拉哈迪沙漠。随后,特鲁塔下令把沙漠团团围住,并在水坑里下 毒,断绝了赫雷罗族人的水源。
饥渴难耐的赫雷罗族人不得不杀掉牲畜,饮血止渴,甚至喝妇女的乳汁。这使得新生的婴儿大量饿死。最后,一些人甚至剖开死人的肚子,吸取里面的胃液。据粗略统计,大约有6.5万多赫雷罗族人在茫茫大漠里悲惨地死去。
2004年,德国政府首次就殖民时期的屠杀罪行正式向纳米比亚道歉。德国发展援助部长海德玛丽·维乔普尔·扎尔亲往大屠杀纪念公墓参加了悼念活动,并发表了道歉讲话:当年发生的暴行在今日可以被定义为种族屠杀。我们德国政府对此罪行负有历史和道义上的责任。我谨希望你们能原谅我们的侵略。
在此之前的20002月,德国总统约翰内斯·劳16日在以色列议会发表讲话,为第二次世界大战期间纳粹德国的大屠杀暴行表示道歉。
劳说,为了德国人民的子孙后代能够与以色列人民的子孙后代和睦相处,他代表德国、他本人及他这一代人为德国过去所作的一切表示道歉,并请求宽恕。他说,他要在几百万大屠杀受害者面前低头请罪。
劳强调说,加强对德国年轻一代的教育,使他们永远记住德国过去的不光彩历史十分重要。德国于上个月在首都柏林为一座纳粹大屠杀纪念馆举行了奠基仪式,这表明德国人民为了牢记历史教训正在作出诚恳的努力。
民族与民族之间的和解,必须建立在尊重历史事实上,只有面对历史真相,才能达到和解的共识。中国期待外国向自己道歉,但是那些在国内被错误决策而无辜遇难的国人又何时等来决策阶层的一声道歉呢?
根据军事科学院军事历史研究部编写的《中国人民解放军战史》记载,“据不完全统计,中国军民在内战中伤亡达2000余万人(包括我军和国民党军的伤亡)”。1950-1951年由毛泽东发起的镇反运动,全国共逮捕了262万人,其中杀了71.2万人,占全国人口的千分之1.31;判刑劳改129万人;管制120万人;1955-1957毛泽东发起肃反运动,根据解密档案:全国有140多万知识分子和干部在这场运动中遭受打击,其中逮捕21.4万人,枪决2.2万人,非正常死亡5.3万人。1957-1958毛泽东再发起整风反右运动。全国317万右派知识分子遭受迫害,到1978年,全国55万人摘掉右派帽子。这意味着,在“反右运动”过程中,全国有262万人神秘消失。1958-1962年中国迎来了大饥荒,实际饿死人数为4165万,国内外的学术界比较公认的中国大饥荒死亡数字为3700-4300万。1966-1976年毛泽东发动文化大革命,据叶剑英在中共中央工作会议闭幕式上说:文革期间,全国整了1亿人,死了2000万人,浪费了8000亿人民币。
这些数据,在许多人眼中都只是冰冷的数字而已,大多人更是已经完全忘记了这些惨痛的历史教训。一个对自己的历史都毫不了解、对自己的国民的生命都毫不尊重 的民族,还能有什么资格屹立世界民族之林?还有什么资格大谈文明崛起?还能得到国际社会的尊重吗?历史的包袱早就应该抛向大平洋了,勇敢的民族敢于面对真 实的历史,与历史达成和解,这样才可能轻装上阵,繁荣富强的梦想才可能实现。因此,我们强烈要求国民党、现任台湾领导人马英九必须承担1949年抛弃大陆、致使大陆陷入灾难的历史责任,并诚恳向大陆人民道歉!

参考:《1945年以后,中国有多少人非正常死亡
刘植荣《姗姗来迟的政府道歉》

Wednesday, September 26, 2012

普世价值 言论自由 外交政策----欧巴马9月25日在联合国演讲


美国总统奥巴马美国东部时间9月25日出席第67届联合国大会一般性辩论,发表了他在11月6日美国大选开始之前最为重要的一次外交政策演讲。国内的新闻在介绍时,主要是介绍欧巴马总统在演讲中就叙利亚危机、伊朗核问题、中东和平进程、阿拉伯世界反美和反西方浪潮等议题全面阐述了美国政府的立场。实际上,他的这次演讲长达30分钟,从回顾早些时候在利比亚第二大城市班加西发生的暴力围攻美国领事馆事件中遇袭身亡的美国驻利比亚大使克里斯托弗·史蒂文斯的生平开始,中间出了外交政策问题,还谈了许多非常有趣也非常老生常谈的问题---什么是普世价值,什么是言论自由,为什么要捍卫言论自由---特别是在针对过去两周来由一段youtube的反穆斯林视频引发的发生在埃及、突尼斯、也门等阿拉伯国家的反美暴力活动。

比如说这段,他提到:

我知道有些人会问为什么我们不禁止这些视频呢。我们的法律已经给出了答案:我们的宪法保护言论自由的权利。

在美国,有无数的出版物包含了令人讨厌的内容。比如我,想大多数美国人一样,是个基督徒,但我们并不禁止那些亵渎我们信仰的言论。作为美国总统和三军总司令,我必须接受美国人每天骂我些难听的东西(笑声)----我也永远拥护他们这样做的权利(掌声)。

为了保护全世界各地人民自由表达的权利,美国人在战斗并付出了生命,即使有时那些观点我们也不能完全同意。我们这么做并不是因为我们支持仇恨言论,而是因为我们的立国者明白如果我们不保护这样的自由,那么每个个体表达观点的自由,实践其信仰的自由就会受到威胁。因为我们相信,在一个多样化的社会,任何限制言论自由的努力都会很快变成一个压制批评和少数派的凶器。

我们这么做是因为我们相信,如果我们有了自由信仰的力量,不同的宗教观点容易引发冲突,然而抗争仇恨言论最佳的武器不是压制,而是更多的自由言论----那些更多的能够容忍偏见和亵渎的声音,如此,才能加强互相理解和相互尊重的价值观。

I know there are some who ask why we don't just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.

Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always defend their right to do so. (Applause.)

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities.

We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.

欧巴马的演讲全文可以参考这里:

http://blogs.suntimes.com/sweet/2012/09/obamas_united_nations_speech_s.html

实际上这份演讲是个很好的学习材料---各方面的学习。


Obama's United Nations speech. Sept. 25, 2012. Transcript

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THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release September 25, 2012


REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY

United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York


10:22 A.M. EDT


THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling you about an American named Chris Stevens.

Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a lawyer and a musician. As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps, and taught English in Morocco. And he came to love and respect the people of North Africa and the Middle East. He would carry that commitment throughout his life. As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya. He was known for walking the streets of the cities where he worked -- tasting the local food, meeting as many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile.

Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution, arriving on a cargo ship. As America's representative, he helped the Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all Libyans would be respected. And after the revolution, he supported the birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.

Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the country he served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met. And two weeks ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural center and modernize a hospital. That's when America's compound came under attack. Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in the city that he helped to save. He was 52 years old.

I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of America. Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international cooperation that the United Nations represents. He acted with humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles -- a belief that individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity.

The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America. We are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government and from the Libyan people. There should be no doubt that we will be relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice. And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other countries in the region -- including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen -- have taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm. And so have religious authorities around the globe.

But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an assault on America. They are also an assault on the very ideals upon which the United Nations was founded -- the notion that people can resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place of war; that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.

If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of regret and wait for the outrage to pass. If we are serious about these ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis -- because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart and the hopes that we hold in common.

Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people like Chris Stevens -- and not by his killers. Today, we must declare that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United Nations.

It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and sparked what became known as the Arab Spring. And since then, the world has been captivated by the transformation that's taken place, and the United States has supported the forces of change.

We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator, because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women who took to the streets.

We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people.

We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status quo.

We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.

And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people can stop and a new dawn can begin.

We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and self-determination are not unique to one culture. These are not simply American values or Western values -- they are universal values. And even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis for peace in our world.

So let us remember that this is a season of progress. For the first time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair. This democratic spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world. Over the past year, we've seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a new President in Somalia. In Burma, a President has freed political prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform. Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.

And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot. Nelson Mandela once said: "To be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others." (Applause.)

True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a bribe. It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that guarantees the rights of all people.

In other words, true democracy -- real freedom -- is hard work. Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on dissidents. In hard economic times, countries must be tempted -- may be tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.

Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress -- dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division. From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we've witnessed convulsions that can accompany transitions to a new political order.

At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe. And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world. In every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs threatening; in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves must ask themselves how much they're willing to tolerate freedom for others.

That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world. Now, I have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who respect our common humanity.
It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well -- for as the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has welcomed people of every race and every faith. We are home to Muslims who worship across our country. We not only respect the freedom of religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed because of how they look or what they believe. We understand why people take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among them.

I know there are some who ask why we don't just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.

Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always defend their right to do so. (Applause.)

Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities.

We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.

Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that. But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion that we can control the flow of information is obsolete. The question, then, is how do we respond?

And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies mindless violence. (Applause.) There are no words that excuse the killing of innocents. There's no video that justifies an attack on an embassy. There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and destruction in Pakistan.

In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such speech to create chaos around the world. We empower the worst of us if that's how we respond.

More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the Arab world that is moving towards democracy.

Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not expect other nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of Americans. However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and extremism. (Applause.)

It is time to marginalize those who -- even when not directly resorting to violence -- use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel, as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to violence.

That brand of politics -- one that pits East against West, and South against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews -- can't deliver on the promise of freedom. To the youth, it offers only false hope. Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an education. Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach. Attacking an embassy won't create a single job. That brand of politics only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve; protecting human rights, and extending democracy's promise.

Understand America will never retreat from the world. We will bring justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and technology, energy and development -- all efforts that can spark economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change.

But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual respect. No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident working in a country where its people are endangered. For partnerships to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be welcomed.

A politics based only on anger -- one based on dividing the world between "us" and "them" -- not only sets back international cooperation, it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an interest in standing up to these forces.

Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of extremism. On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana'a; several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.

The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused on the West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between tribes and clans. It leads not to strength and prosperity but to chaos. In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of violence. And extremists understand this. Because they have nothing to offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to stay relevant. They don't build; they only destroy.

It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division behind. On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the future, or the prisons of the past. And we cannot afford to get it wrong. We must seize this moment. And America stands ready to work with all who are willing to embrace a better future.

The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in Egypt -- it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted, "Muslims, Christians, we are one." The future must not belong to those who bully women -- it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams just like our sons. (Applause.)

The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country's resources -- it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all people. Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is the vision we will support.

The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam. But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied. (Applause.)

Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims. It's time to heed the words of Gandhi: "Intolerance is itself a form of violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit." (Applause.) Together, we must work towards a world where we are strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them. That is what America embodies, that's the vision we will support.

Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those who turn their backs on a prospect of peace. Let us leave behind those who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist. The road is hard, but the destination is clear -- a secure, Jewish state of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine. (Applause.) Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to make that journey.

In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his people. If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and shoots rockets at apartment buildings. And we must remain engaged to assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end in a cycle of sectarian violence.

Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different vision -- a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don't need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how they are governed -- Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians. That's what America stands for. That is the outcome that we will work for -- with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance and support for those who work for this common good. Because we believe that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the legitimacy to lead.

In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable ideology leads. The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside their neighbors. But just as it restricts the rights of its own people, the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and supports terrorist groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful, and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.

So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this issue through diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so. But that time is not unlimited. We respect the right of nations to access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace. And make no mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained. It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf nations, and the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering a nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the non-proliferation treaty. That's why a coalition of countries is holding the Iranian government accountable. And that's why the United States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.

We know from painful experience that the path to security and prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and respect for human rights. That's why this institution was established from the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny in the Cold War. And that is the lesson of the last two decades as well.

History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the right choices. Nations in every part of the world have traveled this difficult path. Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century, is united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races, religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their responsibilities as nations.

And it is because of the progress that I've witnessed in my own lifetime, the progress that I've witnessed after nearly four years as President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in. The war in Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We've begun a transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war on schedule in 2014. Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is no more. Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials, and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals. We have seen hard choices made -- from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan -- to put more power in the hands of citizens.

At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to broaden prosperity. Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging countries to keep the world on the path of recovery. America has pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency, and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations. New partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity. And later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human trafficking.

All these things give me hope. But what gives me the most hope is not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders -- it is the people that I've seen. The American troops who have risked their lives and sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise. These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams. They tell us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.

So much attention in our world turns to what divides us. That's what we see on the news. That's what consumes our political debates. But when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments serve their people -- and not the other way around.

The United States of America will always stand up for these aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world. That was our founding purpose. That is what our history shows. That is what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.

And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to justice, Chris Stevens's legacy will live on in the lives that he touched -- in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, "Chris Stevens was a friend to all Libyans."

They should give us hope. They should remind us that so long as we work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

END 10:16 A.M. EDT

Monday, September 3, 2012

中国1990年-2012年,中国大桥坍塌事件盘点+死亡人数(2) zt


 贵州遵义:16
    2005116日,务川县在建大桥垮塌事故现场设立警戒线。截至11611时,贵州省遵义市务川县在建大桥垮塌事故死亡人数已增至13人。11514时许,务川县务彭(务川至重庆彭水)公路上正在施工的珍珠大桥悬拼钢拱架突然发生垮塌,19名现场施工人员落入河谷。16/3
    广东广州:2
  20041213日凌晨440分,广清高速公路连接线主线工程——广州市白云区增槎路江南农贸市场路段施工现场,正在施工的一段高架桥支架发生坍塌事故。造成(2/25)。坍塌的支架大约有40米长,密密麻麻的钢筋大多已经严重扭曲。据介绍,广清高速公路连接线主线高架桥采用满堂钢管支架、一次性现浇混凝土方式施工,发生事故的是第26联第4(112#-113#)支架。
    江苏苏州:
    200491日中午,京杭大运河苏州段横塘亭子桥被货船撞塌,一名行走在桥上的男子和一名航经此处的女士受伤。大桥坍塌后,压住了两艘货船,并使得京杭大运河苏州段交通受阻
    江苏徐州:
   2004627日,江苏徐州市区淮海路上新建的弘济桥发生坍塌事故,约5平方米面积的桥头堡从根部起与主桥断裂有近一米的缝隙。 经事故调查组考察论证,这是一起因上游施工围堰开口放水不当造成的突发事故,事故对主桥质量未造成影响。

    广东深圳:
  2004614日凌晨3时许,深圳龙岗区坪地镇年丰村通往坑梓镇的矮江桥发生塌陷事故,幸无人员伤亡。估计事故与桥梁设计负重或当地地质构造有关。
    辽宁盘锦:

   2004610650分,辽宁省盘锦市境内田庄台大桥突然发生垮塌。该桥位于盘锦与营口交界处,连接辽河两岸,桥长500余米。事故原因可能为大货车严重超载(50)所致。大约有三辆汽车落水,除有2人爬上岸生还外,其他人员情况不明。
    广东汕头:1
  20043231040分左右,正在施工中的汕头市西港高架桥工地,意外发生脚手架倒塌事故,十多米高的庞大脚手架连同上面的水泥、沙包等施工材料一齐倒下。事故造成施工人员1/1
    江苏南京:
  2004115日凌晨230分许,南京中华门附近一在建立交桥突然坍塌,造成多人受伤。目击者称,当时正在进行混凝土浇灌作业,突然传来一声巨响,尚未凝固的混凝土与钢筋水泥,连同脚手架一起轰然坍塌。

    200278月:中國中部兩橋倒塌,共19人。
    广东深圳:
  20001128日,深圳盐坝高速公路连接线工程的一个高架桥发生严重倒塌事故。当时,十米多高的高架桥上共有60名工人正在施工,事故导致30人受伤,其中19人因轻伤留医治疗,五人伤势较重。
    四川泸州
    20011221日全国地方铁路建设中的第一座横跨长江的铁路大桥——隆()()铁路泸州大桥发生了一起坍塌事故,已有2人死亡。受伤的12

    河南西平:3

  20001020日,河南西平县一座正在施工的“豆腐渣桥”路基突然塌方,3/x

    重庆涪陵
  2000911日上午830分,位于涪陵至重庆的国道319线上的斜阳溪大桥突然垮塌,近30米长、7米宽的一段桥面发生整体垮塌,国家一级光缆、重庆至武汉长途传输光缆线中断,涪陵至重庆道路中断。
    四川泸州:
  2000820日上午8时许,四川省泸州市境内的奈溪河发生一起浮桥沉塌事故,数十人落水,有7人失踪。
    甘肃岷县:18
  1999724日,甘肃省岷县北郊憩乐岛公园的铁索桥突然坍塌,致使32人落水,18/x。据查,该项目仅凭一次县长办公会的决议就匆匆上马,并不听水利部门劝阻而开放迎客。
    重庆綦江县:40



    1999141852分,横跨重庆綦江县新旧城区的一座步行桥突然整体垮塌,40/14。这座长约102米的中承式拱形桥,是綦江县城主要的人行桥,建成还不足三年。据调查,綦江县个别领导干部存在玩忽职守的问题,该项工程未经主管部门立项,无可行性研究报告,设计系个人行为;工程施工者是个体业主;组织的施工队伍不具有合法的市政工程施工资质;无工程监理;1996 年建成使用未经法定竣工验收,养护管理中两次发生重大损坏。
    广东:33
  1994102日,中国广东省一家娱乐公园的一座浮桥的栏杆断裂,导致桥上游客全部坠毁,33/x