美国总统奥巴马美国东部时间9月25日出席第67届联合国大会一般性辩论，发表了他在11月6日美国大选开始之前最为重要的一次外交政策演讲。国内的新闻在介绍时，主要是介绍欧巴马总统在演讲中就叙利亚危机、伊朗核问题、中东和平进程、阿拉伯世界反美和反西方浪潮等议题全面阐述了美国政府的立场。实际上，他的这次演讲长达30分钟，从回顾早些时候在利比亚第二大城市班加西发生的暴力围攻美国领事馆事件中遇袭身亡的美国驻利比亚大使克里斯托弗·史蒂文斯的生平开始，中间出了外交政策问题，还谈了许多非常有趣也非常老生常谈的问题---什么是普世价值，什么是言论自由，为什么要捍卫言论自由---特别是在针对过去两周来由一段youtube的反穆斯林视频引发的发生在埃及、突尼斯、也门等阿拉伯国家的反美暴力活动。
在美国，有无数的出版物包含了令人讨厌的内容。比如我，想大多数美国人一样，是个基督徒，但我们并不禁止那些亵渎我们信仰的言论。作为美国总统和三军总司令，我必须接受美国人每天骂我些难听的东西（笑声）----我也永远拥护他们这样做的权利（掌声）。
为了保护全世界各地人民自由表达的权利，美国人在战斗并付出了生命，即使有时那些观点我们也不能完全同意。我们这么做并不是因为我们支持仇恨言论，而是因为我们的立国者明白如果我们不保护这样的自由，那么每个个体表达观点的自由，实践其信仰的自由就会受到威胁。因为我们相信，在一个多样化的社会，任何限制言论自由的努力都会很快变成一个压制批评和少数派的凶器。
我们这么做是因为我们相信，如果我们有了自由信仰的力量，不同的宗教观点容易引发冲突，然而抗争仇恨言论最佳的武器不是压制，而是更多的自由言论----那些更多的能够容忍偏见和亵渎的声音，如此，才能加强互相理解和相互尊重的价值观。
I know there are some who ask why we don't just ban such a video. And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the right to practice free speech.
Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense. Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always defend their right to do so. (Applause.)
Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but because our founders understood that without such protections, the capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence critics and oppress minorities.
We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift up the values of understanding and mutual respect.
THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
_________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release September 25, 2012
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
TO THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY
United Nations Headquarters
New York, New York
10:22 A.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, fellow
delegates, ladies and gentleman: I would like to begin today by telling
you about an American named Chris Stevens.
Chris was born in a town called Grass Valley, California, the son of a
lawyer and a musician. As a young man, Chris joined the Peace Corps,
and taught English in Morocco. And he came to love and respect the
people of North Africa and the Middle East. He would carry that
commitment throughout his life. As a diplomat, he worked from Egypt to
Syria, from Saudi Arabia to Libya. He was known for walking the streets
of the cities where he worked -- tasting the local food, meeting as
many people as he could, speaking Arabic, listening with a broad smile.
Chris went to Benghazi in the early days of the Libyan revolution,
arriving on a cargo ship. As America's representative, he helped the
Libyan people as they coped with violent conflict, cared for the
wounded, and crafted a vision for the future in which the rights of all
Libyans would be respected. And after the revolution, he supported the
birth of a new democracy, as Libyans held elections, and built new
institutions, and began to move forward after decades of dictatorship.
Chris Stevens loved his work. He took pride in the country he
served, and he saw dignity in the people that he met. And two weeks
ago, he traveled to Benghazi to review plans to establish a new cultural
center and modernize a hospital. That's when America's compound came
under attack. Along with three of his colleagues, Chris was killed in
the city that he helped to save. He was 52 years old.
I tell you this story because Chris Stevens embodied the best of
America. Like his fellow Foreign Service officers, he built bridges
across oceans and cultures, and was deeply invested in the international
cooperation that the United Nations represents. He acted with
humility, but he also stood up for a set of principles -- a belief that
individuals should be free to determine their own destiny, and live with
liberty, dignity, justice, and opportunity.
The attacks on the civilians in Benghazi were attacks on America. We
are grateful for the assistance we received from the Libyan government
and from the Libyan people. There should be no doubt that we will be
relentless in tracking down the killers and bringing them to justice.
And I also appreciate that in recent days, the leaders of other
countries in the region -- including Egypt, Tunisia and Yemen -- have
taken steps to secure our diplomatic facilities, and called for calm.
And so have religious authorities around the globe.
But understand, the attacks of the last two weeks are not simply an
assault on America. They are also an assault on the very ideals upon
which the United Nations was founded -- the notion that people can
resolve their differences peacefully; that diplomacy can take the place
of war; that in an interdependent world, all of us have a stake in
working towards greater opportunity and security for our citizens.
If we are serious about upholding these ideals, it will not be enough
to put more guards in front of an embassy, or to put out statements of
regret and wait for the outrage to pass. If we are serious about these
ideals, we must speak honestly about the deeper causes of the crisis --
because we face a choice between the forces that would drive us apart
and the hopes that we hold in common.
Today, we must reaffirm that our future will be determined by people
like Chris Stevens -- and not by his killers. Today, we must declare
that this violence and intolerance has no place among our United
Nations.
It has been less than two years since a vendor in Tunisia set himself
on fire to protest the oppressive corruption in his country, and
sparked what became known as the Arab Spring. And since then, the world
has been captivated by the transformation that's taken place, and the
United States has supported the forces of change.
We were inspired by the Tunisian protests that toppled a dictator,
because we recognized our own beliefs in the aspiration of men and women
who took to the streets.
We insisted on change in Egypt, because our support for democracy ultimately put us on the side of the people.
We supported a transition of leadership in Yemen, because the
interests of the people were no longer being served by a corrupt status
quo.
We intervened in Libya alongside a broad coalition, and with the
mandate of the United Nations Security Council, because we had the
ability to stop the slaughter of innocents, and because we believed that
the aspirations of the people were more powerful than a tyrant.
And as we meet here, we again declare that the regime of Bashar
al-Assad must come to an end so that the suffering of the Syrian people
can stop and a new dawn can begin.
We have taken these positions because we believe that freedom and
self-determination are not unique to one culture. These are not simply
American values or Western values -- they are universal values. And
even as there will be huge challenges to come with a transition to
democracy, I am convinced that ultimately government of the people, by
the people, and for the people is more likely to bring about the
stability, prosperity, and individual opportunity that serve as a basis
for peace in our world.
So let us remember that this is a season of progress. For the first
time in decades, Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans voted for new leaders
in elections that were credible, competitive, and fair. This democratic
spirit has not been restricted to the Arab world. Over the past year,
we've seen peaceful transitions of power in Malawi and Senegal, and a
new President in Somalia. In Burma, a President has freed political
prisoners and opened a closed society, a courageous dissident has been
elected to parliament, and people look forward to further reform.
Around the globe, people are making their voices heard, insisting on
their innate dignity, and the right to determine their future.
And yet the turmoil of recent weeks reminds us that the path to
democracy does not end with the casting of a ballot. Nelson Mandela
once said: "To be free is not merely to cast off one's chains, but to
live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others."
(Applause.)
True democracy demands that citizens cannot be thrown in jail because
of what they believe, and that businesses can be opened without paying a
bribe. It depends on the freedom of citizens to speak their minds and
assemble without fear, and on the rule of law and due process that
guarantees the rights of all people.
In other words, true democracy -- real freedom -- is hard work.
Those in power have to resist the temptation to crack down on
dissidents. In hard economic times, countries must be tempted -- may be
tempted to rally the people around perceived enemies, at home and
abroad, rather than focusing on the painstaking work of reform.
Moreover, there will always be those that reject human progress --
dictators who cling to power, corrupt interests that depend on the
status quo, and extremists who fan the flames of hate and division.
From Northern Ireland to South Asia, from Africa to the Americas, from
the Balkans to the Pacific Rim, we've witnessed convulsions that can
accompany transitions to a new political order.
At time, the conflicts arise along the fault lines of race or tribe.
And often they arise from the difficulties of reconciling tradition and
faith with the diversity and interdependence of the modern world. In
every country, there are those who find different religious beliefs
threatening; in every culture, those who love freedom for themselves
must ask themselves how much they're willing to tolerate freedom for
others.
That is what we saw play out in the last two weeks, as a crude and
disgusting video sparked outrage throughout the Muslim world. Now, I
have made it clear that the United States government had nothing to do
with this video, and I believe its message must be rejected by all who
respect our common humanity.
It is an insult not only to Muslims, but to America as well -- for as
the city outside these walls makes clear, we are a country that has
welcomed people of every race and every faith. We are home to Muslims
who worship across our country. We not only respect the freedom of
religion, we have laws that protect individuals from being harmed
because of how they look or what they believe. We understand why people
take offense to this video because millions of our citizens are among
them.
I know there are some who ask why we don't just ban such a video.
And the answer is enshrined in our laws: Our Constitution protects the
right to practice free speech.
Here in the United States, countless publications provoke offense.
Like me, the majority of Americans are Christian, and yet we do not ban
blasphemy against our most sacred beliefs. As President of our country
and Commander-in-Chief of our military, I accept that people are going
to call me awful things every day -- (laughter) -- and I will always
defend their right to do so. (Applause.)
Americans have fought and died around the globe to protect the right
of all people to express their views, even views that we profoundly
disagree with. We do not do so because we support hateful speech, but
because our founders understood that without such protections, the
capacity of each individual to express their own views and practice
their own faith may be threatened. We do so because in a diverse
society, efforts to restrict speech can quickly become a tool to silence
critics and oppress minorities.
We do so because given the power of faith in our lives, and the
passion that religious differences can inflame, the strongest weapon
against hateful speech is not repression; it is more speech -- the
voices of tolerance that rally against bigotry and blasphemy, and lift
up the values of understanding and mutual respect.
Now, I know that not all countries in this body share this particular
understanding of the protection of free speech. We recognize that.
But in 2012, at a time when anyone with a cell phone can spread
offensive views around the world with the click of a button, the notion
that we can control the flow of information is obsolete. The question,
then, is how do we respond?
And on this we must agree: There is no speech that justifies
mindless violence. (Applause.) There are no words that excuse the
killing of innocents. There's no video that justifies an attack on an
embassy. There's no slander that provides an excuse for people to burn a
restaurant in Lebanon, or destroy a school in Tunis, or cause death and
destruction in Pakistan.
In this modern world with modern technologies, for us to respond in
that way to hateful speech empowers any individual who engages in such
speech to create chaos around the world. We empower the worst of us if
that's how we respond.
More broadly, the events of the last two weeks also speak to the need
for all of us to honestly address the tensions between the West and the
Arab world that is moving towards democracy.
Now, let me be clear: Just as we cannot solve every problem in the
world, the United States has not and will not seek to dictate the
outcome of democratic transitions abroad. We do not expect other
nations to agree with us on every issue, nor do we assume that the
violence of the past weeks or the hateful speech by some individuals
represent the views of the overwhelming majority of Muslims, any more
than the views of the people who produced this video represents those of
Americans. However, I do believe that it is the obligation of all
leaders in all countries to speak out forcefully against violence and
extremism. (Applause.)
It is time to marginalize those who -- even when not directly
resorting to violence -- use hatred of America, or the West, or Israel,
as the central organizing principle of politics. For that only gives
cover, and sometimes makes an excuse, for those who do resort to
violence.
That brand of politics -- one that pits East against West, and South
against North, Muslims against Christians and Hindu and Jews -- can't
deliver on the promise of freedom. To the youth, it offers only false
hope. Burning an American flag does nothing to provide a child an
education. Smashing apart a restaurant does not fill an empty stomach.
Attacking an embassy won't create a single job. That brand of politics
only makes it harder to achieve what we must do together: educating
our children, and creating the opportunities that they deserve;
protecting human rights, and extending democracy's promise.
Understand America will never retreat from the world. We will bring
justice to those who harm our citizens and our friends, and we will
stand with our allies. We are willing to partner with countries around
the world to deepen ties of trade and investment, and science and
technology, energy and development -- all efforts that can spark
economic growth for all our people and stabilize democratic change.
But such efforts depend on a spirit of mutual interest and mutual
respect. No government or company, no school or NGO will be confident
working in a country where its people are endangered. For partnerships
to be effective our citizens must be secure and our efforts must be
welcomed.
A politics based only on anger -- one based on dividing the world
between "us" and "them" -- not only sets back international cooperation,
it ultimately undermines those who tolerate it. All of us have an
interest in standing up to these forces.
Let us remember that Muslims have suffered the most at the hands of
extremism. On the same day our civilians were killed in Benghazi, a
Turkish police officer was murdered in Istanbul only days before his
wedding; more than 10 Yemenis were killed in a car bomb in Sana'a;
several Afghan children were mourned by their parents just days after
they were killed by a suicide bomber in Kabul.
The impulse towards intolerance and violence may initially be focused
on the West, but over time it cannot be contained. The same impulses
toward extremism are used to justify war between Sunni and Shia, between
tribes and clans. It leads not to strength and prosperity but to
chaos. In less than two years, we have seen largely peaceful protests
bring more change to Muslim-majority countries than a decade of
violence. And extremists understand this. Because they have nothing to
offer to improve the lives of people, violence is their only way to
stay relevant. They don't build; they only destroy.
It is time to leave the call of violence and the politics of division
behind. On so many issues, we face a choice between the promise of the
future, or the prisons of the past. And we cannot afford to get it
wrong. We must seize this moment. And America stands ready to work
with all who are willing to embrace a better future.
The future must not belong to those who target Coptic Christians in
Egypt -- it must be claimed by those in Tahrir Square who chanted,
"Muslims, Christians, we are one." The future must not belong to those
who bully women -- it must be shaped by girls who go to school, and
those who stand for a world where our daughters can live their dreams
just like our sons. (Applause.)
The future must not belong to those corrupt few who steal a country's
resources -- it must be won by the students and entrepreneurs, the
workers and business owners who seek a broader prosperity for all
people. Those are the women and men that America stands with; theirs is
the vision we will support.
The future must not belong to those who slander the prophet of Islam.
But to be credible, those who condemn that slander must also condemn
the hate we see in the images of Jesus Christ that are desecrated, or
churches that are destroyed, or the Holocaust that is denied.
(Applause.)
Let us condemn incitement against Sufi Muslims and Shiite pilgrims.
It's time to heed the words of Gandhi: "Intolerance is itself a form of
violence and an obstacle to the growth of a true democratic spirit."
(Applause.) Together, we must work towards a world where we are
strengthened by our differences, and not defined by them. That is what
America embodies, that's the vision we will support.
Among Israelis and Palestinians, the future must not belong to those
who turn their backs on a prospect of peace. Let us leave behind those
who thrive on conflict, those who reject the right of Israel to exist.
The road is hard, but the destination is clear -- a secure, Jewish state
of Israel and an independent, prosperous Palestine. (Applause.)
Understanding that such a peace must come through a just agreement
between the parties, America will walk alongside all who are prepared to
make that journey.
In Syria, the future must not belong to a dictator who massacres his
people. If there is a cause that cries out for protest in the world
today, peaceful protest, it is a regime that tortures children and
shoots rockets at apartment buildings. And we must remain engaged to
assure that what began with citizens demanding their rights does not end
in a cycle of sectarian violence.
Together, we must stand with those Syrians who believe in a different
vision -- a Syria that is united and inclusive, where children don't
need to fear their own government, and all Syrians have a say in how
they are governed -- Sunnis and Alawites, Kurds and Christians. That's
what America stands for. That is the outcome that we will work for --
with sanctions and consequences for those who persecute, and assistance
and support for those who work for this common good. Because we believe
that the Syrians who embrace this vision will have the strength and the
legitimacy to lead.
In Iran, we see where the path of a violent and unaccountable
ideology leads. The Iranian people have a remarkable and ancient
history, and many Iranians wish to enjoy peace and prosperity alongside
their neighbors. But just as it restricts the rights of its own people,
the Iranian government continues to prop up a dictator in Damascus and
supports terrorist groups abroad. Time and again, it has failed to take
the opportunity to demonstrate that its nuclear program is peaceful,
and to meet its obligations to the United Nations.
So let me be clear. America wants to resolve this issue through
diplomacy, and we believe that there is still time and space to do so.
But that time is not unlimited. We respect the right of nations to
access peaceful nuclear power, but one of the purposes of the United
Nations is to see that we harness that power for peace. And make no
mistake, a nuclear-armed Iran is not a challenge that can be contained.
It would threaten the elimination of Israel, the security of Gulf
nations, and the stability of the global economy. It risks triggering a
nuclear-arms race in the region, and the unraveling of the
non-proliferation treaty. That's why a coalition of countries is
holding the Iranian government accountable. And that's why the United
States will do what we must to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear
weapon.
We know from painful experience that the path to security and
prosperity does not lie outside the boundaries of international law and
respect for human rights. That's why this institution was established
from the rubble of conflict. That is why liberty triumphed over tyranny
in the Cold War. And that is the lesson of the last two decades as
well.
History shows that peace and progress come to those who make the
right choices. Nations in every part of the world have traveled this
difficult path. Europe, the bloodiest battlefield of the 20th century,
is united, free and at peace. From Brazil to South Africa, from Turkey
to South Korea, from India to Indonesia, people of different races,
religions, and traditions have lifted millions out of poverty, while
respecting the rights of their citizens and meeting their
responsibilities as nations.
And it is because of the progress that I've witnessed in my own
lifetime, the progress that I've witnessed after nearly four years as
President, that I remain ever hopeful about the world that we live in.
The war in Iraq is over. American troops have come home. We've begun a
transition in Afghanistan, and America and our allies will end our war
on schedule in 2014. Al Qaeda has been weakened, and Osama bin Laden is
no more. Nations have come together to lock down nuclear materials,
and America and Russia are reducing our arsenals. We have seen hard
choices made -- from Naypyidaw to Cairo to Abidjan -- to put more power
in the hands of citizens.
At a time of economic challenge, the world has come together to
broaden prosperity. Through the G20, we have partnered with emerging
countries to keep the world on the path of recovery. America has
pursued a development agenda that fuels growth and breaks dependency,
and worked with African leaders to help them feed their nations. New
partnerships have been forged to combat corruption and promote
government that is open and transparent, and new commitments have been
made through the Equal Futures Partnership to ensure that women and
girls can fully participate in politics and pursue opportunity. And
later today, I will discuss our efforts to combat the scourge of human
trafficking.
All these things give me hope. But what gives me the most hope is
not the actions of us, not the actions of leaders -- it is the people
that I've seen. The American troops who have risked their lives and
sacrificed their limbs for strangers half a world away; the students in
Jakarta or Seoul who are eager to use their knowledge to benefit
mankind; the faces in a square in Prague or a parliament in Ghana who
see democracy giving voice to their aspirations; the young people in the
favelas of Rio and the schools of Mumbai whose eyes shine with promise.
These men, women, and children of every race and every faith remind me
that for every angry mob that gets shown on television, there are
billions around the world who share similar hopes and dreams. They tell
us that there is a common heartbeat to humanity.
So much attention in our world turns to what divides us. That's what
we see on the news. That's what consumes our political debates. But
when you strip it all away, people everywhere long for the freedom to
determine their destiny; the dignity that comes with work; the comfort
that comes with faith; and the justice that exists when governments
serve their people -- and not the other way around.
The United States of America will always stand up for these
aspirations, for our own people and for people all across the world.
That was our founding purpose. That is what our history shows. That is
what Chris Stevens worked for throughout his life.
And I promise you this: Long after the killers are brought to
justice, Chris Stevens's legacy will live on in the lives that he
touched -- in the tens of thousands who marched against violence through
the streets of Benghazi; in the Libyans who changed their Facebook
photo to one of Chris; in the signs that read, simply, "Chris Stevens
was a friend to all Libyans."
They should give us hope. They should remind us that so long as we
work for it, justice will be done, that history is on our side, and that
a rising tide of liberty will never be reversed.
Thank you very much. (Applause.)
END 10:16 A.M. EDT
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